Before we learn to spot the counterfeits, we need to see that most of these experiences are real
I want to be clear about something right at the start of this chapter. This book is about discernment. It is a handbook for telling genuine experiences from corrupted ones. But discernment is not the same thing as suspicion. And this book is not a hit piece on near-death experiences and deathbed experiences. Before we learn to spot the problems — and there are real problems, some of them serious — we need to see the baseline clearly. The baseline is reality. Most NDEs are real spiritual experiences. Most DBEs are real spiritual experiences. The majority of the people who report these experiences are telling the truth about what happened to them, and most of what happened to them genuinely was an encounter with something beyond the material world. If we miss that, we will spend the rest of this book training ourselves to be paranoid when we should be training ourselves to be discerning. Those are very different things.
That is why this chapter exists. Before Part II builds the biblical framework for testing spiritual claims, before Part III develops the positive marks of a genuine experience, before Parts IV through VI name the places where things go wrong, we need to establish the baseline. If you only remember one thing from this chapter, remember this: the Christian who approaches NDEs and DBEs with a default of suspicion has gotten the default wrong. The default, supported by the evidence and consistent with Scripture, is open-hearted trust tempered by careful attention. Approximately seventy-five percent of reported NDEs lack clearly unbiblical elements and appear to be genuine spiritual experiences. Approximately ninety-five percent of DBEs are genuine. These are working estimates, not precise figures, but they anchor everything that follows.1
Imagine two people reading this book. The first is a Christian who has been warned — by a podcast, by a pastor, by a book — that NDEs are essentially a spiritual minefield. Every bright light is probably a demon. Every heavenly city is probably a delusion. Every NDEr who says they met Jesus is probably deceived. This reader approaches the whole subject with arms crossed. She is ready to find the errors. She expects the errors to be everywhere.
The second reader has watched YouTube testimonies for years. He has read Don Piper and Mary Neal and Dean Braxton. He has wept over accounts of Jesus welcoming children home. He has never heard a single one of those stories critiqued. He believes every claim, every detail, every theological conclusion drawn by every NDEr he has ever listened to. If a person says Jesus told them something, he accepts it as if Jesus had said it in the Sermon on the Mount.
Both of these readers are unprepared for discernment. The first reader cannot discern because she rejects everything on principle — she does not need to test anything because she has already decided. The second reader cannot discern because he accepts everything on principle — he does not need to test anything because he has already decided. Real discernment requires something neither reader has: a calibrated posture. Open enough to receive what is true. Alert enough to recognize what is false. Grounded enough in Scripture to tell the difference.
Calibration starts with the baseline. If the baseline is "most of this is fake," the discerning Christian will spend her energy filtering out the rare real experience from a sea of counterfeits. That is not the task. If the baseline is "all of this is real," the discerning Christian will not actually be discerning at all. That is also not the task. The task is something in between — but not exactly halfway between. The biblical and evidential data pull us toward a specific place. That place is closer to trust than to suspicion, but with real alertness built in. This chapter is the argument for that place.
Approximately 75% of reported NDEs lack clearly unbiblical elements and appear to be genuine spiritual experiences. Approximately 95% of DBEs are genuine. These are working estimates, not precise figures, but they shape the right posture: warm reception is the default; careful testing is the exception, not the rule.
I want to acknowledge something before we go further. Some readers — especially those shaped by the strongest Christian critics of NDEs — may already be uncomfortable. Seventy-five percent? Ninety-five percent? Where do those numbers come from, and can we really trust them? That is a fair question, and I will answer it directly in the middle of this chapter when we discuss the working estimates. For now, I ask only this: suspend the instinct to reject the numbers before hearing the argument. If by the end of the chapter you still think they are too high, that is your call to make. But the argument deserves a hearing.
The structure of this chapter is simple. First, I will lay out five lines of evidence that most NDEs are real spiritual experiences. Second, I will lay out five lines of evidence that most DBEs are real. Third, I will present the working estimates and explain what they mean. Fourth, I will engage the harder question of why the numbers are not higher — why, if God is real and spiritually active at the edge of death, some of these experiences nonetheless seem to get corrupted. Fifth, I will close with pastoral application: what this baseline means for how we respond to our grandmother, our friend, our church member, when they tell us what they saw.
Let us start with NDEs specifically. The phenomenon has been studied seriously for about fifty years. Raymond Moody's Life After Life (1975) launched the modern conversation, though the experiences themselves go back as far as human history does.2 In those fifty years, the literature has grown from a curiosity to an enormous body of peer-reviewed research. J. Steve Miller notes that "over 900 articles on NDEs were published in scholarly literature prior to 2011, gracing the pages of such varied journals as Psychiatry, The Lancet, Critical Care Quarterly, The Journal for Near-Death Studies, American Journal of Psychiatry, British Journal of Psychology, Resuscitation, and Neurology."3 That is a substantial paper trail. And it is not the paper trail of a discredited fringe phenomenon. It is the paper trail of something that serious medical, philosophical, and theological researchers have concluded deserves sustained attention.
Why? Because the evidence keeps pointing in the same direction. I want to walk us through five lines of that evidence. No single one of them proves that every NDE is a genuine encounter with the spiritual world. Taken together, though, they make it very hard to sustain the position that NDEs in general are not real. The cumulative case is strong, and any responsible Christian engagement with the phenomenon must start by taking that case seriously.
A veridical NDE is one in which the experiencer reports information they could not have known through normal sensory means, and the information is later verified as accurate. "Veridical" comes from a Latin root meaning "truth-telling." These cases are the hardest ones for any naturalistic theory to explain, because they require the NDEr's consciousness to be perceiving accurately from outside the body, during a time when the body's ordinary perceptual machinery was not functioning. Four well-documented cases are worth knowing.
The first is Pam Reynolds. In August 1991, Reynolds underwent a radical surgical procedure called "hypothermic cardiac arrest" to remove a giant aneurysm at the base of her brain. The procedure required her body temperature to be lowered to about sixty degrees Fahrenheit, her heart stopped, the blood drained from her head, and her brain-stem activity monitored by ear-inserted speakers clicking at a hundred decibels — loud enough that any responsive brain-stem function would register on the recording equipment. During the procedure her eyes were taped shut. For a substantial window of time, by every standard medical measure, she was not conscious and her brain was not functioning.
Yet Reynolds later reported a detailed NDE. She described the Midas Rex bone saw used on her skull, accurately describing the handle and the "bits" kept in what looked like a socket-wrench case. She reported overhearing a conversation between the medical team about the size of her arteries. She described the operating room from an elevated vantage point. Michael Sabom, the cardiologist who conducted The Atlanta Study and spent years investigating Pam's case, concluded that her reported perceptions matched the medical record. Sabom noted: "Her brain-wave activity was continuously monitored, and no seizure phenomena were reported."4 The case is unusual because of how thoroughly her brain activity was instrumented. Hallucination theories struggle with cases where there is no brain activity capable of hallucinating.
The second is Maria's tennis shoe. The case is among the best-known in the NDE literature, reported by Kimberly Clark Sharp, a Seattle-area NDE researcher. A woman named Maria had suffered a severe heart attack and been resuscitated. She told Sharp not only that she had perceived the resuscitation from above, but that she had then traveled outside the hospital. On a third-story window ledge, she said, she saw a tennis shoe. She described it in specific detail: a man's shoe, left-footed, dark blue, with a wear mark over the little toe and a shoelace tucked under the heel. Sharp went to the third floor and, after checking window ledges, found the shoe exactly as Maria had described it.5 Skeptics have pressed the case, arguing there might have been a route by which Maria could have seen it normally. The responses to these skeptical attempts have generally held up.6 And similar cases keep turning up.
The third is a case Jeffrey Long describes, reported in The Lancet — one of Europe's most prestigious medical journals. A cardiac arrest patient was brought into the hospital comatose and not breathing. A tube was placed in his airway for ventilation, and a nurse removed his upper dentures and placed them in the drawer of a nearby crash cart. The patient was in a deep coma during this procedure. A week later, after he had regained consciousness and been moved to a different room, he looked at the same nurse and said, in effect, "That nurse knows where my dentures are." He described accurately the removal, the crash cart with its bottles, and the sliding drawer. The nurse had been there, and she remembered him being in deep coma throughout the CPR. The patient later explained that he had watched the whole thing from above.7
The fourth category is the blind NDErs studied by Kenneth Ring and Sharon Cooper in their 1999 book Mindsight. Ring and Cooper interviewed individuals who had been blind from birth or early childhood and who had NDEs. Several of these individuals reported visual perception during their NDE — something they had never experienced in ordinary life — and their reports of what they saw (including the appearance of bodies, rooms, and surrounding environments) matched external reality. The congenitally blind cannot be "remembering" what sight is like; they have no visual memories to draw on. A hallucination theory requires them to somehow hallucinate visual data that maps accurately onto a world they have never seen. This is not the sort of thing naturalistic theories handle well.
Now, one veridical case could be a coincidence. Two could be lucky guesses. But the NDE literature contains many such cases, documented carefully, sometimes with independent witnesses, and studied by researchers with medical and scientific credentials. J. Holden, a professor of counseling at the University of North Texas, reviewed ninety-three NDE patients who claimed to make multiple verifiable observations while out of their physical bodies. Miller summarizes Holden's findings: "Of these out-of-body perceptions, 92 percent [of these observations] were completely accurate, 6 percent contained some error, and only 1 percent was completely erroneous."8 Ninety-two percent accuracy on perceptions made while unconscious is not a hallucination rate. Hallucinations are wrong most of the time. These observations were right almost all of the time.
The apologist and New Testament scholar Gary Habermas, along with the Christian philosopher J. P. Moreland, have argued at length that veridical NDEs constitute evidence for conscious survival of bodily death.9 I find their argument compelling. More importantly, so do many secular researchers — including some who went into the field expecting to debunk it and came out convinced that something real was happening. Pim van Lommel, the Dutch cardiologist whose landmark 2001 prospective study appeared in The Lancet, began his work as a cardiologist with no particular interest in mystical explanations. His conclusion after years of research was that "a near-death experience is a special state of consciousness that arises during an impending or actual period of physical, psychological, or emotional death."10 That is not a debunking conclusion.
When Maria reported a tennis shoe on a third-story window ledge she could not have seen from her bed, and that shoe was found exactly where she said it was — that is evidence a naturalistic theory of the mind cannot easily absorb. Hallucinations do not know facts the hallucinator could not have learned. Cases like Maria's, Pam Reynolds', the dentures report in The Lancet, and the blind NDErs in Ring and Cooper's study suggest that in some NDEs the conscious mind really is perceiving from outside the body. That single conclusion is enough to open the door to taking the whole phenomenon seriously.
If NDEs were simply cultural products — stories people's minds construct using materials from their own religion and society — we would expect them to differ dramatically across cultures. A Hindu's NDE should feature Krishna, Shiva, and the wheel of reincarnation. A Muslim's NDE should feature the Prophet Muhammad and the judgment of Allah. A Buddhist's NDE should feature the Buddha and the path toward enlightenment. An atheist's NDE should be blank, because the atheist has no expectations to draw on.
That is not what the data show. The data show that NDEs display remarkable consistency across cultures, time periods, and religious backgrounds in their core features. There are cultural variations in the details — a Hindu NDEr's report will be colored by Hindu vocabulary, and an American Christian's will be colored by American Christian vocabulary — but the core features recur with striking uniformity. Out-of-body perception, passage through darkness or a tunnel, encounter with a being or beings of overwhelming love and light, life review, perception of a border or limit, the decision or command to return — these recur worldwide.
Miller addresses this directly. In his discussion of Jeffrey Long's cross-cultural work, Miller reports that in Long's 2010 study comparing seventy-nine non-English NDEs with 583 English ones, "all thirty-three NDE elements were present in both groups." In a separate study comparing NDEs from countries where English is predominant to countries where it is not, Long again found all the NDE elements in both groups and concluded "no NDE element occurred statistically more or less often in either group." The reasonable conclusion, Long writes, is that "the content of near-death experiences appears to be the same around the world."11 Miller draws the obvious inference: this is "further strong evidence that NDEs are not products of cultural beliefs or prior life experiences."12
In Miller's own study of fifty-eight non-Western, non-Christian NDEs, he specifically looked for a pattern of non-Christian elements. He did not find one. He also did not find such a pattern when reading NDE studies from various non-Western cultures.13 He writes that "searches for Muhammad, Buddha, Krishna, and other Indian gods found them only in few, anomalous cases, even when searched by country or religion."14 Out of more than five thousand cases collected on the Near-Death Experience Research Foundation (NDERF) website, only three reported seeing Krishna (and in all three cases, Jesus was also reported). Only two of more than five thousand reported seeing Buddha. Of eighty self-identified Muslim NDErs, none reported seeing Muhammad.15
These numbers matter. If prior religious belief were the main factor shaping NDE content, we should see Krishna showing up in Hindu cases at the rate we see Jesus showing up in Christian cases. We do not. What we see is a remarkable cross-cultural convergence on a set of core experiences that — as we will discuss in later chapters — maps onto biblical teaching surprisingly well. John Burke, in Imagine Heaven, makes the same observation about cross-cultural consistency from his own research, noting that NDE accounts from different cultures and religions describe strikingly similar heavenly landscapes, encounters, and experiences.16
Now, we should be careful here. Miller is honest that ancient and medieval accounts sometimes look different from modern NDEs. Carol Zaleski's Otherworld Journeys and Gregory Shushan's work on indigenous accounts both document visions and afterlife reports that include elements the modern NDE literature does not feature.17 Miller's response is that these studies typically fail to distinguish NDEs from other visionary experiences, that the accounts were often preserved because they served a doctrinal or apologetic purpose, and that they were shaped by centuries of oral transmission before being written down.18 We are not, he argues, comparing like with like when we compare van Lommel's methodical prospective collection of NDEs from cardiac arrest patients to a medieval vision that survived for seven centuries because it made a point about purgatory. The relevant comparison is across modern, systematically collected NDEs — and in that comparison, the consistency is overwhelming.
The theological significance of this consistency is worth naming. If NDEs were purely culturally constructed, they would not converge. If they were purely demonic counterfeits, we would expect them to diverge toward whatever lie each culture would find most persuasive. Instead, they converge on a pattern that — broadly speaking — is compatible with biblical teaching: the soul survives the body, there is a being of love and light at the center of reality, moral accountability is part of the landscape, and what waits after death is more real than what we experience now. This is not because NDErs are unconsciously quoting the Bible. It is because, I would argue, many of them are actually encountering the realities the Bible describes.
I said earlier that I would only preview this topic. Full treatment of naturalistic explanations belongs to apologetic literature like Miller's Near-Death Experiences as Evidence for the Existence of God and Heaven, Habermas and Moreland's Beyond Death, and the work of van Lommel and Bruce Greyson. My purpose here is not to refute every theory. My purpose is to note that every major naturalistic explanation, when tested, has turned out to be inadequate — and that the NDE research community (much of it secular) has largely moved on from these explanations.19
The theories have names. Cerebral hypoxia: the brain's oxygen deprivation produces hallucinations. DMT release: endogenous psychedelics in the dying brain produce mystical experiences. Temporal lobe seizures: abnormal electrical activity in the temporal lobe mimics NDE content. REM intrusion: dream states bleed into waking consciousness during crisis. Dying-brain surges: a final burst of neural activity generates the experience.20
Each of these has been proposed. Each has been studied. Each has problems. Some NDEs occur without hypoxia. Some occur in situations where DMT release is not plausible. Temporal lobe seizure experiences do not actually match the structure of NDEs. REM intrusion does not explain veridical perceptions. Dying-brain surges do not explain NDEs that occur when the brain is not detectably active. And none of the theories explains the basic problem that NDEs are reported to be more real than ordinary waking life — more vivid, more coherent, more present — which is the exact opposite of what hallucinations are.21
Dr. Pim van Lommel, after considering each of these explanations in depth, concludes: "Demographic, psychological, and physiological circumstances fail to explain why people do or do not experience an NDE." He continues: "Various physiological and psychological factors could all play a role, none can fully explain the phenomenon. The theories on NDE set out above fail to explain the experience of an enhanced consciousness, with lucid thoughts, emotions, memories from earliest childhood, visions of the future, and the possibility of perception from a position outside and above the body."22
Bruce Greyson, who is probably the single most academically distinguished NDE researcher alive, takes a carefully balanced position. Greyson argues that the evidence points to "both a physiological mechanism for NDEs and continued functioning of the mind independent of the brain." He writes that the materialist and dualist hypotheses are both "plausible, but neither is a scientific premise, because there is no evidence that could ever disprove either of them. They are instead articles of belief."23 That is a careful statement. It is not the confident debunking statement that used to characterize the field. The researchers who have looked most closely at the data are, on the whole, not telling us that NDEs are clearly explainable in purely natural terms.
For our purposes, this is enough. We do not need to prove that naturalism cannot account for NDEs at all. We need only note that the standard naturalistic theories have not succeeded, that the leading researchers acknowledge this, and that the hypothesis that NDEs involve actual separation of consciousness from the body — the hypothesis that is theologically at home in substance dualism — is at least as well-supported by the data as any naturalistic alternative. If a Christian reader is hesitant to trust NDEs because "science has already explained them naturalistically," that reader should know that science has done nothing of the kind.
The failure of current naturalistic explanations does not prove that NDEs are supernatural. It proves that the best naturalistic theories are inadequate to the data. That is an important, but limited, conclusion. A future naturalistic theory might do better. What the present state of research rules out is confident Christian dismissal on the ground that "it's all been explained." It has not been explained.
If NDEs were merely demonic deceptions, we would expect them to produce a particular kind of fruit. We would expect them, on the whole, to pull people away from Christ, away from Scripture, away from the church, and toward syncretism, occultism, or apostasy. Some NDEs do produce that fruit, and we will spend substantial time in Parts IV, V, and VI of this book examining those cases. But the overall pattern is not that. The overall pattern is the opposite of that. Most NDEs — including most NDEs of non-Christians — leave the experiencer with a deeper reverence for God, a more serious engagement with Scripture, and, in many cases, a specifically Christ-centered conversion.
Michael Sabom's Atlanta Study is the most carefully designed evidence on this point. Sabom is a cardiologist and a conservative Christian, an elder in the Presbyterian Church in America. He entered NDE research skeptical of the popular claim that NDEs drew people away from organized religion toward a vague spirituality. His own clinical observation was the opposite: his patients who had NDEs seemed to come out of them with stronger, not weaker, faith. To test this, he designed The Atlanta Study — two years of structured interviews with 160 cardiac patients, 47 of whom had had NDEs, the rest serving as a non-NDE comparison group.24
Sabom used standardized instruments: Greyson's NDE Scale for identifying genuine NDEs, Hoge's Intrinsic Religious Motivation Scale for measuring depth of faith, and a Life Changes Questionnaire administered to 89 percent of the NDE group for measuring changes since the experience. He deliberately excluded NDErs who had told their stories widely (to avoid effects of repeated retelling) and the membership of the International Association for Near-Death Studies (IANDS), which he judged to be an in-group with shared beliefs that could skew results.25
His findings are striking. Miller summarizes: "A belief in reincarnation and in Eastern, universalist religion is not a direct aftereffect of near-death experience." On the contrary: an NDE "appears to significantly bolster one's intrinsic faith, meaning in life, capacity for love, and involvement in family." NDErs in his study showed "a strengthened belief in God, belief in life after death, and enhanced biblical traits/works such as concern for others, the desire to pray, and decreased one's emphasis on the material world."26 Even more striking: of four NDErs who made changes in their Christian belief system after their experience, all four moved toward more conservative Christian doctrine, not less.27
Penny Sartori's UK hospital-based prospective study found the same pattern: "All patients reported an increased tendency to pray, go to church, and read the Bible."28 These are not the aftereffects of a demonic deception. These are the aftereffects of something that — on the whole — drives people toward God, not away from Him.
Sabom's specific measurements are worth dwelling on for a moment, because they push back hard against the popular media narrative. Sabom used the Hoge Intrinsic Religious Motivation Scale, a standard instrument in the sociology of religion, to measure depth of faith on a scale that correlates with active religious commitment. The overall Hoge score for the NDE group in the Atlanta Study was 31.5 — significantly deeper than the score for non-NDE cardiac patients. Forty-two of 47 NDErs (89 percent) returned the Life Changes Questionnaire, and the NDEs consistently deepened each of the five intrinsic-faith items on that instrument. Sabom's analysis also showed increases in meaning in life, capacity for love, and family interaction after the NDE. These are measurable outcomes, not just self-reports shaped by interviewer expectation.59
The Howard Storm case deserves particular attention as a specific data point. Storm was an atheist art professor at Northern Kentucky University. He had no religious framework, no church background, no interest in spiritual matters. In June 1985, during an emergency hospitalization in Paris, he experienced what he describes as a descent into hell — darkness, menacing beings, helplessness, terror. At the depth of this experience, barely able to think, he remembered a fragment of a hymn his grandmother used to sing, something about Jesus loving him. He cried out Jesus' name. According to Storm's account, a brilliant light entered the darkness, lifted him out, and began to speak with him directly. He had what he describes as a life review in the presence of Jesus and accompanying angels. When Storm recovered, he was a radically changed man. He eventually resigned his tenured professorship, entered seminary, and has spent the years since as a pastor.60 What would motivate an avowed atheist professor to give up tenure and his life's work to invent a story about visiting hell? That question, and its obvious answer, is the kind of thing a wholesale-suspicion approach to NDEs simply cannot process.
Ian McCormack's case is similar in shape. McCormack, a young New Zealander backpacking in Mauritius in 1982, was stung multiple times by box jellyfish while night-diving. Box jellyfish are among the most venomous creatures on earth; multiple stings are typically fatal within minutes. McCormack clinically died on the way to the hospital. His account describes first a dark place of torment, then a cry to God for mercy, then a brilliant light, then an encounter with a figure he came to identify as Jesus. He was told his time had not yet come and was sent back. McCormack survived what doctors had considered medically impossible. He left his previous life, entered Christian ministry, and has spent decades as an evangelist. His testimony has been told on video, in print, and in person for over forty years, with remarkable consistency in the details. Readers can find his account recounted in multiple sources including Imagine Heaven.61
Consider the list of well-known NDErs whose accounts reliably reflect biblical Christianity. Don Piper, a Baptist pastor who clinically died in a car accident, returned to long ministry in evangelical churches. Mary Neal, an orthopedic surgeon who drowned in a kayaking accident, came back into a life of Christian practice and writing. Howard Storm, an atheist art professor whose NDE began as a descent into what he understood to be hell and became a conversion when he called out to Jesus, left his tenured position to enter Christian ministry.29 Ian McCormack, stung multiple times by box jellyfish while backpacking in Mauritius, died clinically and experienced Jesus calling him back — and has spent the decades since as an evangelist. Dean Braxton, who clinically died for over an hour during surgery, came back with a teaching ministry centered on the throne of God. Jim Woodford, a Canadian businessman and pilot, had a dramatic NDE in 2006 that moved him from nominal Christianity to serious faith. Randy Kay, a former agnostic, now speaks and writes as an evangelical Christian.
Not every account in this list is free of points Christians might want to probe. Some of these authors have made theological claims I would question, and later chapters will address specific concerns where they arise. But the overall shape of their lives and teaching is unmistakable: they came back Christian, or more Christian, not less. The pattern repeats case after case. If we are to call these demonic deceptions, we have to imagine a Satan who is peculiarly bad at his job, since his deceptions keep producing committed disciples of Jesus.
C. S. Lewis, writing in The Screwtape Letters, observed that the devil is happy with either of two opposite errors about himself: disbelief in his existence, or excessive and unhealthy interest in him.30 A wholesale "all NDEs are demonic" posture falls into the second error. It imagines Satan's hand behind every beautiful heavenly vision, even when the fruit of that vision is repentance, church membership, baptism, Bible study, and faithful Christian ministry. Scripture teaches us to judge a tree by its fruit (Matthew 7:16–20). The fruit of most NDEs is not the fruit of demonic deception. It is the fruit of God's work.
Full treatment of this topic belongs to Chapter 13. Here I only want to preview the high-altitude statistic, because it bears directly on the baseline. If NDEs were about cultural projection, we would expect each religion's NDErs to see that religion's deity in rough proportion to how committed they were. That is not what the data show. Jesus shows up in NDEs with a frequency wildly out of proportion to what any cultural-projection model predicts, and He shows up not only in the NDEs of Christians but also in the NDEs of Hindus, atheists, agnostics, and others who had no prior reason to expect Him.
J. Steve Miller's NDERF research is particularly careful. Miller did not cherry-pick. He took NDEs in the order they were submitted — 141 consecutive cases, then culled the ones that did not meet criteria for being genuine NDEs (hallucinogenic drug experiences, reported dreams or visions rather than near-death events, cases with clear red flags). Out of 141 consecutive cases, 28 (20 percent, or one in five) mentioned Jesus. Out of 100 consecutive cases that appeared to be authentic NDEs, 18 (18 percent, again one in five) reported seeing Jesus.31
That is an enormous number. It puts Jesus in the same range of frequency as seeing deceased persons (13 percent in Kelley's study) or having a life review (17 percent in Greyson's sample, 22.2 percent in Long's).32 Miller was himself surprised by this result; he had expected Jesus to appear rarely.33 A smaller pilot study by a different researcher found 13 percent of consecutive NDERF cases included an encounter with Jesus, including one from the only self-identified Jew in the sample. Sabom's Atlanta Study found 36 percent of conservative Christians and 31 percent of liberal Christians reported seeing "Jesus" or "Lord."34
Now put these Jesus numbers next to what we saw earlier. Krishna: three cases out of more than five thousand. Buddha: two cases out of more than five thousand. Muhammad: zero out of eighty self-identified Muslim cases. Jesus: eighteen to twenty percent of consecutive general cases, and over thirty percent of Christian cases. These are not comparable numbers. They are not even in the same universe of comparable numbers.
Miller considered multiple hypotheses for this finding, and I will note them here without resolving them; the full analysis waits for Chapter 13. Possibility one: Jesus is really on the other side, and people are experiencing Him. Possibility two: people's prior beliefs shape what they experience, so Christians experience what they expected. Possibility three: people's prior beliefs shape how they interpret what they experienced, so a generic being of light gets reported as Jesus by Christians. Possibility four: God communicates with people in forms they can understand. These possibilities are not mutually exclusive. But note: none of them is "all of these reports are fraudulent or hallucinatory." The Jesus statistic is embedded in a phenomenon that has to be taken seriously one way or the other.35
Miller addresses the further question of whether, even when Jesus appears, the content of the experience is anti-Christian. His answer, from his consecutive-case analysis, is no. Of the 100 consecutive NDEs that appeared to be authentic, "only seven mentioned something even vaguely opposed to Christian beliefs and only three of those contradicted Christian doctrine." Miller summarizes his conclusion: "NDEs themselves don't teach reincarnation or that everyone goes to heaven or specific doctrine from Eastern religions that contradicts Christian doctrine. Rather, I found overall that there is very little in this NDE material that disputed or criticized Christianity."36 Three out of a hundred contained clear contradictions to Christian doctrine. Not thirty. Not fifty. Three. That is the baseline in microcosm.
Now let us turn to deathbed experiences. DBEs are a different category from NDEs — they occur in the dying process itself, usually in the hours or days before death, rather than during clinical death followed by revival. The person who has a DBE does not typically come back to write a book about it. She dies, and family members carry the memory of what she said and did in her final hours. This structural difference means DBEs occur in a context that resists most of the things that can corrupt NDE reports. I will argue that DBEs deserve an even higher baseline of trust than NDEs, and I will lay out five reasons why.
DBEs have been documented in every culture and time period for which records exist. William Barrett's Death-Bed Visions (1926) systematically catalogued them as a phenomenon. Karlis Osis and Erlendur Haraldsson's At the Hour of Death (1977) compared DBEs across Indian and American contexts and found the same core features — dying persons perceiving deceased relatives, perceiving beings of light, exhibiting peace, sometimes accurately predicting their time of death. Elisabeth Kübler-Ross's pioneering work on death and dying observed similar phenomena. Peter and Elizabeth Fenwick's The Art of Dying documented UK hospice cases. Christopher Kerr's Death Is But a Dream records Buffalo-area hospice findings that map onto the pattern.37
Miller's dissertation — "Deathbed Experiences as Evidence for the Afterlife: A Multicultural Examination of the Literature" — systematically reviews the cross-cultural DBE literature and finds the same pattern of consistency we saw with NDEs. The phenomenon is not a regional oddity. It is not a product of modern hospice practice. It is not a function of pharmacology (many pre-twentieth-century cases occurred without modern pain medication). It is what happens, in culture after culture, when human beings approach death.38
This universality cuts against the theory that DBEs are constructed from local religious expectations. If that theory were right, we would expect the details of a Hindu DBE to differ so radically from the details of a Christian DBE that they would barely seem like the same phenomenon. Instead, despite variations in the identity of the figures perceived — a Christian sees Jesus or a deceased Christian relative, a Hindu sees Krishna or a deceased Hindu relative — the core structure is the same. Someone is there. The dying person addresses them. Peace sets in. The dying person is ready. That pattern is as human as breathing, and it is not explainable on purely naturalistic grounds.
Miller's own family experience, which he shares in Is Christianity Compatible?, gives some texture to this. His mother, in her final weeks, told him one day simply, "Steve, I think I'm dying." She was not in pain. Her vital signs were normal. Her doctors and nurses did not think she was dying. Yet she was so certain that she rehearsed with him her funeral preferences and had him pick out burial clothes. She died two weeks later. Two days before her death, Miller reports, she talked to her deceased father. This, he notes, is a well-documented DBE pattern: patients begin speaking to deceased relatives, and it is often a sign that death is near. Then she had a moment of full lucidity in the midst of her terminal decline, making his wife promise to take care of him after she was gone — a classic instance of terminal lucidity.63 These are the kinds of things hospice workers see every day. They are not exotic. They are the ordinary phenomena of dying.
Unlike NDEs, DBEs are usually witnessed. The dying person is surrounded by family, by hospice workers, by medical staff. These witnesses do not see the content of the perception — they cannot see the deceased grandfather the dying woman is addressing, or the angel at the foot of the bed. But they can see the behavior. They see the dying person's eyes fixed on a specific point in the room. They see the smile. They hear the words spoken to someone unseen. They see the readiness, the peace, the reaching upward, the naming of specific deceased relatives.
This matters. In an NDE, the only witness to the experience is the NDEr himself, and we have to trust his report. In a DBE, we have his report and independent witnesses to the observable behavior. And those witnesses describe the same things, over and over, in hospice rooms around the world. They describe the dying person speaking to the unseen. They describe the naming of specific relatives. They describe the transition from fear to peace. They describe the way the dying person sometimes seems to see something the rest of the room cannot see, and they describe their own experience of shift — the sense that something is present that they cannot perceive.39
When hospice physician Christopher Kerr began studying these experiences, he did so as a secular medical professional. He expected to find delirium. He found something else — something coherent, meaningful, and structurally similar from patient to patient. Peter Fenwick, Senior Lecturer at the Institute of Psychiatry, Kings College, has reported on hundreds of UK hospice DBEs. The testimonies are remarkably concordant. Miller's survey of the literature finds "no correlation between dementia rating and the occurrence" of related phenomena — meaning that the severely impaired still have these experiences.40
Here is the force of this point. If DBEs were merely the confused utterances of a deteriorating brain, we would expect them to look like the confused utterances of a deteriorating brain — random, varied, idiosyncratic. What we actually see is structured, coherent, and remarkably similar from person to person. That is not what brain deterioration typically produces.
Most NDE literature contains some theological complications. DBEs typically do not. The dying Christian grandmother who sees Jesus in the corner of her hospital room is not constructing an elaborate cosmology. She is simply reporting what she sees. Her report contains no teaching on reincarnation. It contains no speeches about how "all religions are equal." It contains no invitation to develop psychic abilities or to consult a medium. It contains, very often, nothing but the simple observation: Jesus is here. He is so beautiful. He has come to take me home.
That simplicity matters for discernment. The corruptions that sometimes affect NDE reports — elaborate theological claims, detailed universalist cosmologies, past-life memories, pre-life memories, occult crossover — require a platform. They require the NDEr to return, process the experience, interpret it through whatever framework she already holds, and perhaps build a ministry around her interpretation. DBEs typically skip all of this. The DBEr is not coming back. She is not writing a book. She is not building a teaching platform. She reports what she sees in the last hours of her life, and then she dies. The corruptions do not get their platform.
Tabatt makes a similar point about the cleanness of DBEs in his discussion of Diane Komp's work. Komp, a pediatric oncologist at Yale, reported multiple cases of children dying of cancer who, in their final hours, saw angels, heard beautiful music, and reported Jesus coming for them. These cases were foundational for Komp's own return to Christian faith. The children were not articulating sophisticated eschatology. They were saying things like, "The angels — they're so beautiful! Mommy, can you see them? Do you hear their singing?"41 This is not the raw material of theological error. This is something much simpler, and much truer.
There are exceptions. Not every DBE is theologically clean; a DBE can reflect whatever theological framework the dying person held in life, and some of those frameworks contain error. But the exceptions are the exceptions. The general pattern is simplicity, peace, and consistency with what Scripture teaches about death for those who belong to Christ.
There is a phenomenon related to DBEs that deserves its own attention. It is called terminal lucidity. Peter Fenwick defines it as "the sudden arousal from coma, Alzheimer disease, or confused mental state when suddenly the patient alerts to recognize the family or to see an ecstatic vision. This change in mental state lasts only a minute or two and then the patient dies."42 Michael Nahm and Bruce Greyson, surveying the literature, define it as "the unexpected return of mental clarity and memory shortly before death in patients suffering from severe psychiatric and neurologic disorders."43
This is not a recent discovery. Starting in ancient Greece, Cicero, Plutarch, Avicenna, Hippocrates, Galen, and other classical writers noted that mental confusion may improve at the approach of death. Among the early modern authors who reported or discussed terminal lucidity were prominent physicians: Benjamin Rush in the United States, Andrew Marshal and John Abercrombie in the United Kingdom, Alexandre Brierre de Boismont in France. The president of the Royal College of Physicians reported in 1833, "We have all observed the mind clear in an extraordinary manner in the last hours of life."44
The evidential weight of terminal lucidity is enormous. Consider what it involves. A patient with advanced Alzheimer's disease — a patient whose brain has been significantly destroyed, whose memory has been gone for years, who has not recognized family members in a very long time — suddenly, in the hours before death, becomes fully lucid. She recognizes her daughter. She thanks her children for everything. She speaks coherently. She expresses love. Sometimes she says goodbye. Then she dies.
Miller gives a striking example from the research of Alexander Batthyany, the Viktor Frankl Chair for Philosophy and Psychology at the International Academy for Philosophy University in Liechtenstein: "Elderly woman, dementia, almost mute, no longer recognizes people, non-expressive. Unexpectedly, one day, she called her daughter and thanked her for everything. Phone conversation with grandchildren, exchanged kindness and warmth. She then said farewell and shortly after, she died."45
Michael Nahm collected 83 documented cases of terminal lucidity reported by 55 different authors, mostly professionals in medical settings.46 Nahm reports that terminal lucidity occurs across patients with "brain abscesses, tumors, strokes, meningitis, dementia or Alzheimer's disease, schizophrenia, and affective disorders."47 In surveys of staff in two nursing homes, seventy percent had personally witnessed cases of terminal lucidity occurring a few days before death among patients with dementia. A 2010 study of nursing home staff found that interviewees from all units reported firsthand accounts of previously confused residents suddenly becoming lucid enough in the last days of life to recognize and say farewell to relatives and caregivers.48
Alexander Batthyany's ongoing large-scale study of nurses caring for Alzheimer's patients found, in the first segment, that nurses reported 227 observations of patients dying, with 24 showing signs of terminal lucidity — over ten percent.49 Among 100 consecutive hospice deaths in one study, Macleod (2009) reported six cases of terminal lucidity, of which three involved central nervous system metastases or primary malignancy.50
Why does this matter so much for our baseline? Because terminal lucidity is very hard to explain on a purely materialist view of the mind. If the mind just is the brain, then a brain severely destroyed by Alzheimer's should not suddenly regain lucid function. But on a dualist view — where the mind is an immaterial soul that has been using a damaged brain and is now beginning to separate from it — terminal lucidity makes sense. As Nahm notes, "several of these accounts suggest that during terminal lucidity, memory and cognitive abilities may function by neurologic processes different from those of the normal brain."51 Miller draws the conclusion more bluntly: terminal lucidity "cognitive functions seem to be found functioning independently of the brain."52
Miller gives seven reasons why terminal lucidity supports the afterlife hypothesis:53 the experience is unexpected under naturalism; it seems like a miracle to observing physicians; it sharpens the mind-body problem; the content is coherent and meaningful rather than random or hallucinatory; the patient often knows she is about to die; the experience fits what we would expect if consciousness were separating from the body; and it is consistent with a benevolent God granting a final lucid moment with family.
One nurse quoted by Batthyany captures the pastoral significance: "Before this happened, I had become fairly cynical about the human vegetables I cared for. Now I understand that I am caring for nurslings of immortality. Had you seen what I saw, you would understand that dementia can affect the soul but it will not destroy it. I only wish I would have known this earlier."54
A woman with severe dementia, who has not recognized her family for years, suddenly on the day before her death calls her daughter by name and thanks her for everything she has done. She then dies peacefully. Cases like this, documented by the hundreds, are very hard to square with the view that the mind is merely the brain. They fit naturally with the biblical picture of a conscious immaterial soul whose relationship to a damaged body can begin to loosen at the approach of death.
J. Steve Miller's doctoral dissertation, "Deathbed Experiences as Evidence for the Afterlife: A Multicultural Examination of the Literature," compiles eleven distinct lines of evidence that DBEs point beyond naturalism. Miller's argument is not merely that some individual cases are compelling. It is that the cumulative weight of the literature — the breadth, the depth, the cross-cultural consistency, the medical credibility, the recurring features — makes a strong cumulative case for the afterlife hypothesis.55
A few of his eleven arguments are worth naming here. First, the ability of dying patients to predict their time of death — sometimes accurately, sometimes despite no medical indication — is hard to explain naturalistically. Second, premonitions of death by people who are not themselves dying, confirmed by later events, occur at rates that a strict materialism struggles to handle. Third, the surprise factor: dying persons are sometimes surprised to see, on "the other side," a deceased relative they did not know had recently died. Fourth, terminal lucidity itself, discussed above. Fifth, the lifelong mentally challenged sometimes become lucid communicators at the time of death. Sixth, DBE-related phenomena are sometimes shared at the bedside by the living, whose brains are healthy. Seventh, post-death visions of people who are not themselves dying. Eighth, children's DBEs, which cannot be explained by mature theological expectations the children do not yet have.56
Miller's point, which I accept, is that no single line of DBE evidence forces a dualist conclusion, but the cumulative case is strong. When multiple independent lines of evidence all point the same direction, the sum is greater than the parts. A Christian coming to the DBE evidence should expect to find what Miller finds: a persistent, cross-cultural, medically attested phenomenon that is what it appears to be. People at the threshold of death see things. Very often, those things are real.
I want to add one more piece of DBE evidence that Miller develops: the phenomenon of shared death experiences. A shared death experience is when someone at the bedside of a dying person — or sometimes a relative miles away — has an experience that parallels what the dying person appears to be experiencing. Miller describes his uncle Bucky's shared death experience: Bucky woke at 3:00 AM feeling an extreme heaviness on his chest, saw a light in the distance, felt himself leave his body, saw celestial beings, and felt peace. Moments later the phone rang. A nurse reported that his father, ninety miles away, had just died of a heart attack.64 Cases like this are difficult to explain naturalistically. Bucky was not dying. His brain was healthy. He had no reason to be experiencing dying-brain phenomena. What happened to him parallels Raymond Moody's study of shared death experiences, documented in Glimpses of Eternity. Moody's later work has drifted in directions I would not endorse, but the phenomenon he documented is real and has been corroborated by subsequent researchers.
We are now in a position to address the numbers I quoted at the start of this chapter. Approximately seventy-five percent of reported NDEs lack clearly unbiblical elements and appear to be genuine spiritual experiences. Approximately ninety-five percent of DBEs are genuine. These are my working estimates, based on my own dissertation research on veridical NDEs and on sustained engagement with the literature cited throughout this book.57
I want to be honest about what these numbers are and what they are not. They are not precise figures. I cannot tell you that if you surveyed exactly 1,000 NDE reports, exactly 750 of them would be genuine. I do not know the true percentage, and neither does anyone else. What I can tell you is that the data support a baseline closer to 75 percent genuine than to 50 percent, and closer to 75 percent than to 95 percent. And I can tell you that for DBEs, the data support a baseline very close to complete trust, with only a small minority requiring careful examination.
The reasoning is cumulative. Miller's consecutive-case analysis of 100 authentic NDEs found that "only seven mentioned something even vaguely opposed to Christian beliefs and only three of those contradicted Christian doctrine."58 Three percent with clear contradictions. Seven percent with even vague contradictions. That already suggests that well over ninety percent of NDERF-submitted NDEs contain no clearly anti-Christian elements. My working estimate of 75 percent is actually lower than Miller's data might support on a strict reading — but I keep it at 75 percent to account for the portion of NDEs that do not contain overtly anti-Christian content but still raise concerns (interpretive ambiguity, elements that could go either way, situations requiring careful pastoral evaluation).
For DBEs, the percentage is higher because, as we have seen, the structural features of DBEs resist most of the corruption mechanisms that affect NDEs. DBEs are simpler, witnessed, theologically clean, and occur in contexts without the platform motivations that can distort NDE accounts. A working estimate of 95 percent genuine reflects the actual research pattern: most DBEs look like what they claim to be.
Now, why do these numbers matter? They matter because they set the posture. A Christian who approaches NDEs assuming that 50 percent are fake will be over-suspicious. A Christian who assumes 100 percent are genuine will be over-credulous. A Christian who starts with a baseline of 75 percent genuine, 25 percent requiring careful evaluation, is calibrated for the actual data. He will receive most accounts warmly. He will not waste his energy looking for demons behind every bright light. But he will keep his discernment active for the real cases where something has gone wrong. That is the posture this whole book is trying to cultivate, and this chapter is the foundation for it.
When your grandmother has a DBE in her final hours, the right response is warm reception: "Grandma, that's beautiful. Jesus really does love you." When your friend returns from cardiac arrest and tells you about an NDE, the right default is openness: "Tell me more. What did you experience?" Suspicion is the exception, not the rule. When specific unbiblical elements appear in the account, discernment engages. Until then, trust.
I also want to name what the numbers are not claiming. They are not claiming that 75 percent of NDErs are faithful Christians. They are not claiming that 75 percent of NDE accounts agree with every point of Reformed theology. They are claiming something more modest and more defensible: that approximately 75 percent of reported NDEs lack clearly unbiblical elements and appear to be genuine spiritual experiences. A Hindu NDEr who encountered a being of love and came back with a deeper sense of reverence for God, without teaching reincarnation or making anti-Christian claims, is probably in the 75 percent. Her experience may have been genuine even if her theological framework for interpreting it is incomplete. This is the experience-interpretation distinction I will develop fully in Chapter 9. For now, note: a real experience does not have to come with a correct theology attached to count as a real experience.
The 25 percent that requires careful evaluation is not a uniform category. Some of those cases are clearly fabricated (the Alex Malarkey case is the best-known example; I will treat fabrication fully in Chapter 32). Some are real experiences interpreted through a corrupt framework (genuine encounter with God's love, wrong conclusion that "all religions are equal"). Some contain specific corrupted elements within an otherwise genuine experience (Chapter 17 on hybrid NDEs). Some may be demonic counterfeits from start to finish (rare but real). The 25 percent is not "the fake ones." It is the range of cases where discernment has serious work to do.
If the spiritual realm is real, and if God is at the center of it, why would He allow any of these experiences to be corrupted? Why not make every NDE a perfectly clear encounter with Jesus that leaves no theological confusion? Why allow some people to come back with garbled messages, false conclusions, or worse — genuine demonic interference?
I do not have a full theodicy for this, and I am not going to pretend to. The question of why God permits evil of any kind is ancient and hard, and I am not going to try to resolve it in a paragraph. But I do want to offer four partial observations, each of which helps us make sense of the fact that NDEs (and a smaller percentage of DBEs) sometimes go wrong.
First, the spiritual realm is not a safe zone. The Bible does not present the world beyond the veil as a sterile, controlled environment where only approved spiritual beings have access. It presents the spiritual realm as populated — by holy angels, by fallen angels, by the spirits of the righteous dead, by the spirits of the unrighteous dead, and of course by God Himself. An NDE places a person in contact with that realm. The apostle Paul warns that "even Satan disguises himself as an angel of light" (2 Corinthians 11:14), and that warning applies precisely to encounters with beautiful spiritual beings. Chapter 7 develops this principle in full. For now, note: the presence of some deceptive spiritual activity in some NDEs is exactly what the Bible would predict.
Second, human beings interpret experiences through prior frameworks, and corrupt frameworks produce corrupt interpretations. This is the experience-interpretation distinction again. A Hindu NDEr with a pre-existing framework of reincarnation and karma will tend to read her NDE through that framework, even if the experience itself contained no reincarnation content. An atheist NDEr with a pre-existing framework of "religion is just a cultural construct" will tend to read her encounter with a being of love as "the universe is love," not as "I met the living God of Scripture." These are interpretive failures, not failures in the experience. They account for a substantial portion of the problematic 25 percent, and they do not require any demonic activity at all — just ordinary human cognitive patterns applied to an extraordinary experience.
Third, God permits genuine tests of our discernment. This is a biblical theme. Deuteronomy 13:1–5 explicitly states that when a false prophet arises among Israel and performs signs and wonders that come true, God is testing Israel to see whether they love Him with all their heart. The signs themselves may be real. The test is whether Israel will cling to the truth already given in Scripture or chase after the new voice. The same principle may apply to some corrupted NDEs. If every spiritual experience were perfectly clear, there would be no testing. The command to "test the spirits" (1 John 4:1) assumes there are spirits that need testing. A world where every spiritual experience was automatically trustworthy would be a world where discernment was unnecessary — which is not the world Scripture describes.
Fourth, the 25 percent is not a uniform category. The causes of problematic NDEs vary. Some are demonic interference. Some are fabrications driven by money or fame. Some are genuine experiences filtered through faulty interpretation. Some are distressing experiences whose real nature is hard to classify. Chapter 17 will develop a typology of "hybrid" NDEs — experiences with a genuine core but corrupted elements. Chapter 32 will address fabrications. Chapter 21 will address distressing NDEs. For now, just note: the question "why not 100 percent genuine?" assumes that the 25 percent is one thing. It is not. It is a family of different things, and the full book will walk through them.
What we should not do is retreat from the baseline because we cannot fully explain why there is a 25 percent. The existence of problematic NDEs is not a reason to doubt the 75 percent. The existence of some theological errors in some NDEs does not make all NDEs theological errors, any more than the existence of some lying witnesses makes all witnesses liars. Discernment does not require us to reject a category because that category includes some bad actors. It requires us to evaluate cases within the category. That is what the rest of this book is for.
There is one further observation worth adding here. Scripture itself shows us that genuine spiritual experience can occur alongside spiritual confusion and even spiritual danger. When Moses saw the burning bush, the encounter was unambiguously from God — but the people of Israel, shortly after leaving Egypt, nevertheless built a golden calf and worshiped it, attributing to that calf the genuine rescue God had just performed. When Peter, James, and John saw the glory of Christ on the mount of transfiguration, the encounter was unambiguously from God — but Peter's immediate proposed interpretation ("let us make three tents") was clumsy enough that the Father's voice had to correct him ("This is my beloved Son ... listen to him"). Real experience does not automatically guarantee correct interpretation, not even in the Bible. Why should we expect NDEs to be any different? The pattern in Scripture is that God gives real encounters, and then His word — Torah for Israel, the apostolic witness for the church — interprets them rightly. An NDEr's encounter can be real while her initial interpretation still needs Scripture to sort it out. This is not a defect of the encounter. It is the normal pattern for how God's revelation relates to human reception of it.62
There is also the matter of the human heart. Jesus said, "Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks" (Matthew 12:34). An NDEr comes back with what is in some sense a real encounter, but she reports that encounter with the vocabulary, the assumptions, and the desires of her pre-NDE self. If her pre-NDE self was committed to the idea that "all religions are the same path," her report of her encounter will tend to reflect that commitment. The encounter did not teach her that. Her heart did. When we encounter an NDE account that teaches something unbiblical, we are often hearing not the content of the encounter but the content of the NDEr's heart, projected back onto the encounter. This is another reason the 25 percent is not a uniform category. Some of it is the NDEr's pre-existing theology coming out in the telling. That is a human phenomenon, not a demonic one, and it has to be addressed with teaching and patience rather than with condemnation.
We have laid out the evidence. We have named the percentages. We have addressed the hard question. Now let us bring this home. What does the baseline mean for how we actually respond to NDEs and DBEs in our lives?
Imagine your grandmother, ninety-two years old, lifelong Baptist, hospice care, two days from death. She is weak but lucid. Yesterday afternoon, she told your mother that Jesus is in the room with her. This morning, she told the hospice nurse that her husband — dead for thirty-one years — is standing at the foot of her bed and is smiling. She is at peace. She seems ready to go.
What is the right response? The baseline gives us a clear answer. This is a DBE. DBEs are approximately 95 percent genuine. The account is theologically clean: she sees Jesus, she sees her husband, she is at peace. There is nothing here that requires discernment to engage. The right response is warm reception: "Grandma, I love you. I'm glad Jesus is with you. I'm glad Granddad is there. I'm glad you have peace." That is it. That is all. Do not cross-examine her. Do not test her theology. Do not run her experience through a seven-point doctrinal checklist. She is dying, and Jesus is with her. Receive the gift.
Now imagine your friend, forty-three years old, Christian upbringing but not currently practicing, cardiac arrest last month, came back with a story. He says he left his body, saw the emergency room from above, moved through a tunnel of light, met a being of overwhelming love, and was told his time had not yet come. He is shaken but mostly positive about the experience. He is starting to pray again. He wants to talk to you about what happened.
What is the right response? The baseline gives us a clear answer. This is an NDE. NDEs are approximately 75 percent genuine. The account contains core features that we recognize from the research: out-of-body perception, the tunnel, the being of light, the border. His report does not contain clear unbiblical elements. He is moving toward prayer, not away from it. The right default is openness: "Tell me more. What did you experience? How are you feeling about it? What do you think it meant?" That is the starting posture. If as the conversation develops he says something specific that raises theological questions — say, the being told him "you're already fine, no need to think about Jesus" — then discernment engages. But that engagement is targeted, specific, and focused on the particular concern. It does not treat his whole experience with suspicion.
Now imagine a third case. A conference speaker on your church's radar comes to town. He tells 500 people about his NDE. He says the being he met showed him that "there is no such thing as sin. There is no such thing as hell. We are all one. Every religion is a different path to the same God." Many in the audience applaud.
What is the right response? The baseline gives us a clear answer here too — but a different one. This account contains clearly unbiblical content. The being's supposed message contradicts specific biblical teachings: sin is real, judgment is real, Christ is unique (John 14:6). This is not the 75 percent. This is in the 25 percent that requires serious evaluation. The experience itself may have been real — Chapter 18 will argue that even genuine experiences can produce wrong conclusions when filtered through a non-Christian framework — but the teaching is not something a Christian can simply receive. Here, discernment does real work. We evaluate, we test, we identify the specific problems, and we respond with biblical clarity.
Most of us, most of the time, will encounter cases much more like the grandmother and the friend than like the conference speaker. The grandmother gets warm reception. The friend gets open conversation. The conference speaker gets careful discernment. Do not mistake which case you are in. A family member does not need to be treated like a public teacher, and a public teacher with bad theology does not get the pastoral gentleness owed to a frightened friend. Discernment always includes the question: what is the situation I am actually in?
The baseline makes these responses possible. If we had internalized a posture of wholesale suspicion, we would cross-examine the grandmother. If we had internalized a posture of wholesale credulity, we would applaud with the rest of the audience. The calibrated posture — open, warm, alert, scriptural — allows us to respond appropriately to each situation. That is the fruit of getting the baseline right.
Chapter 1 named the need for discernment. Chapters 2 and 3 defined NDEs and DBEs. Chapter 4 established the biblical command to "test the spirits." Now Chapter 5 has laid the baseline: most of these experiences are genuine, and we approach them with warm reception as our default posture. That completes Part I — the foundations for discernment.
Part II (Chapters 6 through 10) will now build the biblical framework for discernment. Chapter 6 will establish the reality of the spiritual realm, populated by angels and demons. Chapter 7 will exegete the central text on spiritual deception: 2 Corinthians 11:14, Satan disguising himself as an angel of light. Chapter 8 will establish the final authority of Scripture over any spiritual experience. Chapter 9 will develop the experience-interpretation distinction that runs through this whole book. Chapter 10 will synthesize a seven-test framework for evaluating any NDE or DBE claim.
Part III (Chapters 11 through 16) will develop the positive criteria. What does a genuine NDE look like? A genuine DBE? What are the marks of a real encounter with Christ? How do we recognize legitimate angelic escorts and reunions with the dead? What should we make of life reviews?
Parts IV, V, and VI will then address the 25 percent that requires careful evaluation. Part IV will examine hybrid NDEs — experiences with a genuine core but corrupted elements. Part V will address counterfeit elements and unbiblical teachings in NDE literature. Part VI will evaluate specific NDE teachers, authors, and ministries — the good, the problematic, and the fabricated.
Part VII will draw everything together pastorally. How do we respond when a loved one shares an NDE or DBE? How do we counsel NDErs toward biblical truth? How do we answer Christians who dismiss all NDEs wholesale?
All of this builds on the baseline established here. Without the baseline, Parts IV through VI would teach Christians to see corruption everywhere. With the baseline in place, those later parts become what they are meant to be: targeted discernment tools for specific cases, deployed against the backdrop of a generally trustworthy phenomenon that Christians should engage with openness, gratitude, and love.
I want to close this chapter with a personal observation. When I first entered the world of NDE research years ago, I had absorbed a vague cultural impression that NDEs were a bit suspect — probably brain chemistry, probably wishful thinking, probably something to be kept at arm's length by serious Christians. What I found as I actually read the literature was something different. I found veridical cases that could not be explained naturalistically. I found cross-cultural consistency that ruled out the projection theory. I found Christian NDErs whose faith had deepened rather than shallowed. I found Jesus showing up in NDE accounts at rates no other religious figure came close to. I found DBEs so clean, so simple, so theologically sound that I stopped being able to understand why any Christian would dismiss them.
I also found, to be sure, the other side of the ledger. I found accounts that clearly taught universalism. I found accounts that promoted occult practices. I found fabricated memoirs. I found NDErs whose lives went in directions that no responsible Christian could endorse. That is the 25 percent. It is real, and this book will address it seriously.
But the 75 percent is also real. And if I had entered the field with a settled posture of suspicion, I would have missed it. I would have spent my time hunting for errors in the 75 percent rather than receiving what God is clearly doing there. I do not want that to happen to my readers. Before we go into the chapters that name the errors, I wanted to make sure we saw the reality. Most NDEs are real. Most DBEs are real. Many of them show the love and presence of Christ. A great many of them have led unbelievers to faith and believers to deeper faith. A great many of them have comforted dying Christians with the promise of Jesus Himself coming to take them home.
This is the baseline. This is the ground we stand on. Everything else follows from here.
· · ·
The Scripture for this chapter's meditation is Paul's own NDE-adjacent experience in 2 Corinthians 12:2–4 (ESV):
"I know a man in Christ who fourteen years ago was caught up to the third heaven—whether in the body or out of the body I do not know, God knows. And I know that this man was caught up into paradise—whether in the body or out of the body I do not know, God knows—and he heard things that cannot be told, which man may not utter."
Paul is recounting his own experience, though he speaks of it in the third person. The Greek verb for "caught up" is harpagenta (ἁρπαγέντα), the passive aorist of harpazō, meaning "to seize, to snatch, to carry off forcibly" — the same verb used in 1 Thessalonians 4:17 for the rapture of believers at Christ's return. Paul did not initiate this experience. He was caught up. The third heaven — the "paradise" — is the blessed intermediate state where the righteous dead are with Christ (cf. Luke 23:43). Paul encountered something there that was real but partly ineffable: "things that cannot be told, which man may not utter."
I find this passage quietly fascinating for our purposes. The apostle to the Gentiles — the man who wrote one-quarter of the New Testament, the theologian whose letters shape Christian doctrine — had, himself, something closely analogous to an NDE. It was a real spiritual experience. It involved being transported, in some way, to paradise. It produced lasting effects on him. And it came from God. Paul is hesitant about it, he speaks of it indirectly, he does not build his gospel on it (he builds his gospel on the resurrection, on Scripture, on apostolic testimony). But he does not dismiss it. He knows it happened. He knows God did it.
The baseline of this chapter — that most NDEs and DBEs are genuine spiritual experiences — does not put us in strange theological territory. It puts us in territory the apostle Paul himself occupied. Paul would not have dismissed his own third-heaven experience as brain chemistry. Nor should we dismiss the experiences of dying grandmothers and resuscitated cardiac patients as brain chemistry. The God who took Paul to the third heaven can still do such things. Very often, He does.
With the baseline established, we now turn to the biblical framework for evaluating such experiences. That framework is the subject of Part II.
Burke, John. Imagine Heaven: Near-Death Experiences, God's Promises, and the Exhilarating Future That Awaits You. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2015.
Cooper, John W. Body, Soul, and Life Everlasting: Biblical Anthropology and the Monism-Dualism Debate. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000.
Farris, Joshua R. An Introduction to Theological Anthropology: Humans, Both Creaturely and Divine. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2020.
Greyson, Bruce. After: A Doctor Explores What Near-Death Experiences Reveal About Life and Beyond. New York: St. Martin's Essentials, 2021.
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Long, Jeffrey. God and the Afterlife: The Groundbreaking New Evidence for God and Near-Death Experience. New York: HarperOne, 2016.
McCormack, Ian. A Glimpse of Eternity. Camarillo, CA: Aslan's Place Publications, 2009.
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